The Shifting Other: Native Americans in Film, 1950-Present
Bill Schnupp
Representations of Native Americans in popular film are as interesting as they are problematic: the subject remains somewhat static as the other, while the position of the producer of such texts—mainly the Euro-American majority—has undergone a drastic shift in the last five decades. Through analysis of films produced since 1950, I argue that representations of Native Americans fall under two socio-historically-forged paradigms: the vilified other, and the sympathetic other. Far from harmless cinema, the deployment of these two models serves to perpetuate the commodification of indigenous cultures through reductive stereotypes, and prolong the lack of agency of native people in society. However, the recent increase in films produced and directed by Native Americans may signal a positive trend in the distribution of cinematic and social power in the native community.
The Vilified Other: 1950-1970
Construction of native identity as the vilified other is intensely familiar, and essentially a continuity of historic misrepresentations reaching back beyond such works as Longfellow's Hiawatha (1855), Fenimore Cooper's The Last of the Mohicans (1896), and George Caitlin's over-romanticized portraits of Native Americans rendered during his mid-ninteenth century tour of the American west. Picture the Saturday morning “cowboys and indians” film, in which indigenous people (usually white actors in red face), perpetrate a terrible transgression reflective of their wild, savage natures, and accompanying base moral and cognitive faculties, which are often further impaired through stereotypical abuse of "fire water." Indigenous offenses range from the indiscriminant slaughter and sexual abuse of Euro-Americans, to the theft of Euro-American property or infants; vengeance from white victims is both swift and just. The key to such representations lies in the social and historical context of the time.
Coming into the 1950’s, America was at best two or three generations removed from the era of we
stward expansion, a thrust infamous for its association with Andrew Jackson’s 1830 Indian Removal Act, which begot the infamous “Trail of Tears,” the forced death march of the Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creeks, and Seminoles from their ancestral territories to government-approved “Indian Territories” in the west. The influence of such legislation endured, and as late as 1897, Government Americanization programs like the Dawes Act and the adjunctive Curtis Act of 1898—resolutions that allotted Native Americans land (upon which they had dwelled for several thousand years) in exchange for abandoning their traditional customs and values in favor of majority American culture—were enacted. At the heart of such laws was the drive to divide, conquer, and assimilate; to displace a culture based on social unity with that of rugged western individualism in order to more effectively separate land and resources from the indigenous obstacles to a growing nation. The legacy of such programs: Native Americans were not constitutionally recognized as citizens until 1924; into the 1940s, they required permission to leave reservations; and the right to vote did not come until nearly 1950.
The practices of alienation that fed such policies was only buoyed following World War II. The attack on Pearl Harbor—on America—fostered so strong a rhetoric of distaste and distrust for anything non-American that atrocities like Dillon Myer's Japanese American Internment camps were actively administered (Myers also headed the Bureau of Indian Affairs from 1950-53). Despite large contributions to the war effort, it is clear by their restricted rights that Native Americans could not completely shake the stigma and accompanying mistrust of otherness.
As the war concluded, an economic boom began, and Americans loosened their grip on their roughly $140 billion of war-time savings (Kilpatrick). Life was good, and national pride was at its peak. To draw audiences and tap their share of post-war profits, popular film makers mirrored this nationalist sentiment, and there was perhaps no more quintessentially American theme than the story of the formation of the nation. Nostalgic renderings of this period were the order of the day, in which "we seem condemned to seek the historical past through our own pop images and stereotypes about that past, which itself remains forever out of reach" (Jameson 198). As a nation, Americans sought to reinforce pride by recreating an idyllic past that hinged largely on the tale of taming the savage frontier, a blanket entity under which unfamiliar Native Americans were swept. This theatrical misconstruction of native identity was cyclical: cinematic innaccuracies were internalized as truth by viewers who in turn brought them to bear on their realities, and eventually, back into their movies. Strong evidence can be found in a 1943 Readers Digest article outlining the prowess of Native Americans in World War II:
The red soldier is tough. Usually, he has lived outdoors all his life,
and lived by his senses;he is a natural Ranger. He takes to
commando fighting with gusto. . .At ambushing, scouting,signaling,
sniping [Indians are] peerless. Some can smell a snake yards
away and hear the faintest movement; all endure thirst and lack
of food better than the average white man (Kilpatrick 50).
This perspective is clearly informed by too many afternoons spent at the matinee, where native identity was imbued with the fictive skill set necessary to thrive in a mythic frontier.
With the onset of the Cold War in the fifties, and the accompanying repugnant poltical outgrowth of McCarthyism, the distrust of anything outside the norm only deepened. Self-protection was the ability to confirm and display one's American-ness. As with any other widespread social phenomenon, McCarthyism too found expression in popular media: Arthur Miller's 1953 The Crucible, for example, worked to criticize the fanaticism named for the infamous senator from Wisconsin. Given their unfamiliarity in a time of social inquiry of entities thus tagged, Native Americans stood little chance of escaping construction as something wholly non-American and consequently unworthy of trust (in this era, both Native Americans and Russians were equated with red). In such an environment, we witness the rise of the Native American as the vilified other. Among films from this era, two of the most popular and offensive are John Ford’s The Searchers (1956), and John Huston’s The Unforgiven (1960).
The Searchers
The Searchers boasts an element that, for its time, equates to a near-universal seal of approval: John Wayne. Until his death in 1979, this American icon embodied cinematically all the qualities upon which the Jacksonian era of westward expansion was founded: rugged individualism (the roots of the bootstrap mentality), fierce ambition, courage, and equanimity tempered with violence when necessary. He even mirrored (and doubtless strengthened) the national perspective of the place of Native Americans in westward expansion: "I don't feel we did wrong in taking this great country away from them. There were great numbers of people who needed new land and the Indians were selfishly trying to keep it for themselves" (Kilpatrick 44). Perhaps in none of the Duke’s films are these ideas more evident than in The Searchers, where his quintessentially American persona is played up from the outset (viewed below).
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